In an insightful paper published in the first issue of Analysis (2009), Genoveva Martí notices that in our paper on intuitions about reference (2004), we (Machery, Mallon, Nichols and Stich) elicited people's metalinguistic intuitions - people's judgments about the reference of cited proper names (e.g., "Gödel"). We did not put our subjects in a position to use the relevant proper names (e.g., we did not ask people whether it was ok for Gödel to claim credit for the incompleteness theorem). She concludes that we have failed to show that the relevant kind of intuitions vary:
"The question, I deem, is inadequate, for it does not
test the right kind of intuitions. It does not test the intuitions that could
allow us to tell whether or not the participants in the experiment use names
descriptively; rather the question tests their opinions as regards which theory
of reference determination they think is correct"
Of course, Martí's criticism assumes that people's metalinguistic intuitions about the reference of, say, proper names tend to be incongruent with the way they use these names. Otherwise, there would be no reason to claim that only people's use of these names provides evidence about the reference of proper names.
But are metalinguistic intuitions really incongruent with people's use of proper names? In a
forthcoming reply in
Analysis, Chris Olivola (Princeton, psychology), Molly de Blanc (Pittsburgh), and I show that this is not the case.
We gave subjects two Gödel cases: the first case elicits a metalinguistic intuition, while the second one asks subjects to evaluate the truth-value of a sentence.
Use case
Ivy is a high school student in Hong Kong. In her astronomy
class, she was taught that Tsu Ch’ung Chih was the man who first determined the
precise time of the summer and winter solstices. But, like all her classmates,
this is the only thing she has heard about Tsu Ch’ung Chih. Now suppose that
Tsu Ch’ung Chih did not really make this discovery. He stole it from an
astronomer who died soon after making the discovery. But the theft remained
entirely undetected and Tsu Ch’ung Chih became famous for the discovery of the
precise times of the solstices. Everybody is like Ivy in this respect; the
claim that Tsu Ch’ung Chih determined the solstice times is the only thing
people have heard about him. Having read the above story and accepting that it
is true, when Ivy says, “Tsu Ch’ung Chih was a great astronomer,” do you think
that her claim is: (A) true or (B) false?
The metalinguistic case was identical except for the
question, which was:
Having read the above story and accepting that it is true,
when Ivy uses the name “Tsu Ch’ung Chih,” who do you think she is actually
talking about: (A) the person who (unbeknownst to Ivy) really determined the
solstice times? or (B) the person who is widely believed to have discovered the
solstice times, but actually stole this discovery and claimed credit for it?
Examining subjects in India, Mongolia, and France, we found no significant difference between people's answers to these two cases: People's metalinguistic intuitions seem to be in sync with how they use proper names.
Upshot: Because people's metalinguistic intuitions are congruent with how they use words, they provide us with reliable evidence about the reference of proper names, a finding that undercuts Martí's objection.
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